THE trumpet of war had been sounded.
The base of the Republican Party had been given marching orders.
America must purify itself, rid the country of immigrants: deport the millions already in the US and build a wall to prevent more rapists and murderers from coming in.
From his main camp, Donald Trump lambasts the current two-term Democratic government as weak, having sold out American interests, losing control of borders, allowing hordes of immigrant-rapists and -terrorists to roam the streets of America, murdering law enforcement officers and taking away jobs from pure Americans.
Extermination of enemies at home and abroad fires up the Cleveland crowd, chanting: “Lock her up!” Smelling blood, some even clamor to hang Hillary.
The Dark Knight in white hat and red tie will “rescue the country from the ills of urban crime, illegal immigration and global terrorism.”
The presumptive US Commander-in-Chief then proclaims: “I alone can fix it.”
Unlike the first public meeting of the Nazi party on Feb. 24, 1920, however, the Trump camp issued no 25-point program outlining the Republican political agenda.
What is clear is that both the Republican Convention and the German Workers’ Party play the race card.
The New York Times characterized Mr. Trump’s acceptance speech as full of “dark imagery, an almost angry tone, portraying the United States as a diminished and even humiliated nation.” Mr. Trump offered himself as the Messiah, the only one who could “resurrect the country’s standing in the eyes of both enemies and law-abiding Americans.”
It brings to the fore the memory of Adolf Hitler after Germany’s defeat during World War II, using the “wounded sense of national pride” to postulate the superiority of the Aryan race. Trump’s rallying cry to the Republican troopers is “Make America Great Again.”
Hidden behind the pompadour, however, some observers say, is the fear of winning.
During a campaign interview, the New York Times published this account when Mr. Trump was asked about the possibility of walking off the White House after winning the presidential election, the Donald only “flashed a mischievous smile” and left with a parting shot, “I’ll let you know how I feel about it after it happens.”
Could it be that the vitriolic attack on immigrants, the impolitically correct disavowal of John McCain as a war hero, disparaging women and people with disabilities, the declaration to ban Muslims from the United States and the shaming of political rivals were all part of a plan to win the nomination but lose the election?
Losing the presidential election—after beating his found-again Republican rivals (he was a Republican in 2009, switched as a Democrat in 2001, and then turned back to the red fold)—would be his greatest deal of all.
Losing would be good for Trump, Inc.
He would have demonstrated the ability to win at all costs, the practicality to walk away from victory when the situation calls for it. Trump would solidify and eternalize his image as the ultimate dealmaker, mindful about the odds of winning and knowing “when to fold up and run from the dealer’s table” as Kenny Roger’s song, the “Gambler,” prescribes.
As the artist of the deal, Mr. Trump surely must know the players on the table, particularly the profile of the US electorate. It is unimaginable to think that the Donald would have entered into the fray not knowing who will cast the dye.
In a Pew Research Center report, Mr. Jen Manuel Krogstad describes the US electorate in 2016 as “the country’s most racially and ethnically diverse ever. Nearly one in three eligible voters on Election Day (31%) will be Hispanic, black, Asian or another racial or ethnic minority, up from 29% in 2012. Much of this change is due to strong growth among Hispanic eligible voters, in particular US-born youth.”
Mr. Trump’s perceived anti-immigrant messages surely must have even driven more minorities to register and vote. The bruising battle between the black communities and law enforcement officers has been a rallying cry for the Donald to proclaim himself as the “law and order” candidate.
What does the Pew Research say about the combined black and minority electorate?
“There are 10.7 million more eligible voters today than there were in 2012. More than two-thirds of net growth in the US electorate during this time has come from racial and ethnic minorities. Hispanics, blacks, Asians and other minorities had a net increase of 7.5 million eligible voters, compared with a net increase of 3.2 million among non-Hispanic white eligible voters.”
Data.VoterParticipation.Org also confirmed the changed face of the American voters. In a July 9, 2015 study, the organization reported the population of the Rising American Electorate. The study shows the significant increase in the sectors that came under heavy fire from the Trump camp, sectors that are regarded to tip the balance for the winning candidate.
Alienating these 10.7 million eligible voters specified by Pew is a prescription for defeat.
The Republican elders—the three top Bushes among them, two ex-US Presidents and a Florida governor—are aware that presidential candidates are preaching to the choir. There are more middle-of-the-road Republicans seated in the pews and especially more outside the place of worship. Would they subscribe to idolatry where there was a sacred creed to go by?
The logical answer is “No.”
But Mr. Trump does not play by the rules.
The Presidency of the United States, the only superpower nation on Earth that must remain Aryan, is only a stake.
Raising the issue of race during the campaign raises the stake and sweetens the pot.
Being elevated to the pedestal of being the white knight savior of America strengthens the Trump Tower. The White House is simply a dispensable piece of real estate.
The race itself is the prize.
How could we say it in Tagalog? “Arya na!”