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Wednesday, April 25, 2007

 

REPUBLIC SERVICE
By Ricardo Saludo
Equity of the incumbents


In the 2004 elections the administration coalition K-4 won almost 90 percent of all governor, congressman and mayor positions. That overwhelming dominance in the local races helped propel Gloria Arroyo and Noli de Castro to the top two posts in the country, plus seven K-4 senatorial candidates into the Magic 12.

Will the administration’s six-party alliance—Lakas-Christian Muslim Democrats (Lakas-CMD), Kabalikat ng Mamamayang Pilipino (Kampi), National People’s Coalition (NPC), Liberal Party (LP faction of Manila Mayor Lito Atienza), Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) and Partido Demokratiko-Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (PDSP)—repeat the K-4 feat on May 14, and can it swing the senatorial battle in TEAM Unity’s favor? Let’s do the math.

Of 81 provincial governors in the country, all but four are with the administration. So are 194 of the 219 district congressmen and nine out of every 10 mayors. Well over half of these incumbents are running for reelection: 49 governors, 115 congressmen and two-thirds of all mayors. Hence, besides controlling nearly all local government units (LGUs), most provincial, city and municipal leaders of the ruling coalition will be hitting the hustings for themselves and the coalition ticket.

Even more telling are the administration LGU and congressional candidates with weak or no rivals from opposition parties. With the latter not contesting some 60 percent of 18,000 positions at stake, administration candidates for governor in 78 of 81 provinces, for congressman in 192 of 219 districts, and for mayor in 29 of 36 independent cities are deemed almost sure winners.

Hence, in most places, only administration candidates have mounted significant local campaigns with rallies, local media projection, posters, leaflets and sample ballots, house-to-house visits, building of support among local leaders, communities and sectors, pollwatching and voter mobilization. Even in constituencies with no single administration candidate, rivals from allied parties like Lakas, Kampi, LP-Atienza and NPC must all plug TEAM Unity to get coalition funds and campaign support.

How will the administration’s dominance in local campaigning affect the Senate race? The chorus of dominant local candidates cannot but swing many voters over, especially the majority who do not have all 12 senatorial slots filled in their minds. A recent Social Weather Stations survey says that one-fifth of Filipinos believe people in their area would vote as local political bosses urge. With at least five TEAM Unity candidates within 12 percentage points of the Magic 12 cutoff , a “command vote” of as much as 20 percent could very well lift them into the winners’ circle.

Sample ballots and grassroots voter mobilization would further boost the administration slate. Many people ride vehicles provided by local candidates to get to polling places. In many areas only the administration coalition is equipped for transport, and its buses and trucks will of course concentrate on its supporters.

Then there is the hugely influential sample ballot. There is loose talk that more than 200 million are being printed—five for every registered voter and nearly all of it for the administration coalition. As seasoned election campaigners and watcher know, voters use sample ballots to fill as many of the 12 blanks for senator in the actual sheet, since most people cannot remember all the candidates’ names. Thus, being on millions of voting lists distributed by the great majority of local candidates confers a mega-plus to TEAM Unity.

Can the dominance of Coalition TEAM Unity offset the apparent lead of opposition candidates in voter preferences as measured by surveys? This writer won’t make the mistake of those who pronounce likely outcomes based on one variable, be it survey results or coalition dominance. As always, the Magic 12 will emerge in the interaction of many factors, including voter impressions, party machinery, influential supporters, media exposure, election day mobilization, and sample ballots.

More predictable are the local elections. The administration will win most races, since the opposition is not contesting 60 percent. Should 200 House seats go to the ruling coalition, that might be enough to block another impeachment bid. If it also controls the Senate, the continuity of national leadership till 2010 would lay a solid foundation for social stability, investor confidence, and economic advancement, and not return the country to disruptive protests and politicking.

The choice on May 14 is clear.

   
 

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