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Saturday, December 22, 2007

 

NATURE FOR LIFE
By Anabelle E. Plantilla
Local communities must lobby for their rights

 
ANDY WHITE and Alejandra Martin, in their paper, “Strategies and Strengthening of Community Property Rights over Forests,” list five key elements needed to achieve community security tenure. These are effective internal institutions in the community; legal recogni­tion and support for community rights; presence of independent judicial arbitration systems; effective regulatory me­cha­nisms and institutions; and a support­ing political constituency. Among these elements, only ef­fective internal institutions should always be present while others may vary as to the place and degree.

A case in point is Nueva Vizcaya where conflict erupted between migrant settlers and Pasture Lease Agreement (PLAs) holders. Migrant settlers in Kurasay, Bagabag, occupied land that was part of grazing lands covered by (PLAs) who had security of tenure over large blocks of land for 25 years and renewable for another 25 years. When the PLAs and timber license agreements (TLAs) in the province were cancelled or expired during the early 80s, there was no clear policy formu­lated to determine the appro­priate management regime to be applied to affected areas reach­ing at least 160,000 hectares. Many PLA holders were still operating using cancelled or expired permits that angered migrant settlers and led to different groups claiming avail­able space and natural resource.

With the decline in employ­ment and increasing tenure insecurity, poverty incidence in the province reached 52 percent. Productivity of the natural resources was deeply impaired because of the destructive farming practices employed by upland communities making these communities more vulnerable. It did not help that “archaic policies” govern land use and ownership practices that left “many forest communities with limited access to secure land rights.” The paper also drew attention to the fact that as a 4th-class municipality, “the limited budget and worsening insur­gency provided very limited options for development.” Thus, many disaffected people sought remedy from the political left. By 1988, the CPP-NDF heavily occupied much of the upland areas and poverty provided a natural recruitment mechanism to their cause. Further account shows that “peace and order deteriorated as insurgent activity and militarization swept the countryside.” Thus, the econo­mic development of the pro­vince was halted, adding more pressure on the forests.

Lynch in 2002 documented the Moronene experience in Indonesia. In 1970, fruit gardens tended for generations by the Moronene village of Laea Hukea was declared a game park, and was closed to the villagers to protect wildlife hunted by local elites. It was converted to a national park in 1983 with the area expanded to 105,000 hectares. Local people sought help from park officials to return to the village appealing to the governor and the vice president of Indonesia calling for their community-based property rights to be recognized, but were ignored. They returned to Laea Hukaea despite the order and found their gardens destroyed and their ancestral gravesites desecrated.

They discovered that rampant illegal logging and wildlife poaching took place with the consent of park officials. By December 1997, the district government allowed the return of the Moronene to the park through an oral agreement but were quickly driven out once more by security forces led by district officials who attacked the village and burned down their homes. The villagers were forced to move to a transmigration-style resettlement site in a 700 ha. area with each family given 2-ha. plots for survival. The relocation of the Moronene was made because the area was to be developed into an Integrated Economic Development Zone and it became necessary to provide investors uninter­rupted access to park resources and generate investments for their administration.

The first case study shows that the weak institutional capacity of local communities to lobby their in­terests failed to uphold their pro­perty rights as de-facto stakeholders in the forests of Nueva Vizcaya. Existing policies simply did not provide any leeway for any tenure security to be recognized. Further, weak enforcement created an open-access condition that led to further marginalization of vulner­able groups. On the other hand, the second case study shows that while the Moronene were organ­ized, legal recognition of their rights was clearly absent. The absence of an independent judicial arbitration system hurt their issues especially in light of the lack of sup­port from a political constituency.

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