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BLOODIED by violence brought by Moro secessionism,
communist insurgency and banditry, Muslim Mindanao also suffers from
rage strewn by conflicts among clans, tribes and communities.
Feuding among clans is the
subject of a significant book, Rido: Clan Feuding and Conflict
Management, launched Oct. 24 in Makati. The Asia Foundation
published the book with a grant from the US Agency for International
Development.
Rido is defined as feuding
between families and clans, “characterized by sporadic outbursts
of retaliatory violence between families, kinship groups and
communities.”
The violence reported in the book
is appalling. Three research groups inventoried rido cases in 11
provinces and documented about 1,266 episodes that killed 5,500
people and displaced thousands in several decades.
How did rido begin? Partly from
petty cases and partly from more serious crimes, exacerbated by land
claims and political rivalries.
The foundation began work in 2002
with a household survey in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
and surrounding communities. The responses were asked about their
perception of the violence rending Mindanao. The research provided
interesting insights.
The survey showed that the
residents were more concerned about the prevalence of tribal
conflict and its negative impact on their communities than the
conflict between the Philippine government and secessionist and
insurgency groups in the island.
The respondents said
Muslim-Christian conflict was not as serious as clan rivalries
because the tribal wars have woven itself in the daily life of the
Muslim Filipinos.
Reading from the review published
Friday in The Times, we could not tell how disputes or claims to
historically powerful sultanates have sparked clan violence.
It does not say if the economic
divide among the major Muslim nations or tribes has contributed to
rido.
Has the rivalry among the
Mindanao tribes—occasioned by history, wealth, clan pride,
political edge and role in the national life—bred jealousies that
tragically ended in violence?
More than seven million Muslims
live in Southern Mindanao which is beset by poverty, disease,
homelessness and poor infrastructure.
Rebellion against the Spanish
colonizers, American interlopers and “imperial” Luzon, fostered
by Muslim nationalism, pride and suspicion of foreigners, has
bloodied the kris and the kampilan, traditional Moro knives.
Studies have also shown that the
gun is a prized possession among male Muslims and in many homes.
Violence ratcheted in the 1970s
with the rebellion of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF),
whose cause the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) picked up when
Manila and the MNLF signed a peace agreement in 1996.
The New People’s Army has found
a haven in Mindanao. Undisciplined units of the Cafgu are an
additional worry. “Lost commands” bring terror to the
hinterland. The Abu Sayyaf group has raised the scale of violence
with a wave of kidnappings, bombings and numerous acts of terrorism.
Rido has insinuated itself into
this pattern of lawlessness. According to the book, rido visits
communities more regularly than the other conflicts.
Rido is a complex phenomenon that
needs a deeper understanding of specific conflicts, according to
William Torres, the book editor. While violence is a common thread,
each case may have a uniqueness all its own, by reason of history,
place or potential to grow.
A good beginning is to share the
study with government and private organizations, including local
governments and those involved in the secessionist issue. The
training of peace mediators has begun. But for a phenomenon that is
rooted in colonial history, more understanding and innovative
solutions are needed.
Southern Mindanao badly needs
respite from conflict and must begin to rebuild on the impetus of
peace and prosperity. The future of the country hinges on growth and
stability in the southern Philippines.
Family feuds in Luzon
CLAN wars in southern Mindanao
find a reprise in the political killings and family feuds in Luzon
and parts of the Visayas.
The partisan bloodshed issues
from established, powerful dynasties that compete lustily against
each other over congressional turf, city hall and the provincial
capitol.
The level of their violence
escalates as national and local elections approach. Hell boils over
on election day and killings continue after as losers and winners
seek revenge over real or imagined wrongs.
The politicians are helped along
by their private armies and rabid partisans who carry out acts of
intimidation and reprisal. Caught in the crossfire are the public
and bystanders with little or no interest in politics.
The Philippine National Police
and the Armed Forces have a permanent list of “hot spots” that
need extra watching because these towns, cities, congressional
districts or provinces have a long history of lawlessness.
These places invariably include
Abra, Nueva Ecija, the Ilocos provinces, the Mindoro provinces,
parts of Metro Manila, Batangas and the Cordilleras.
There is also a sense in which
personal or nonpolitical family quarrels acquire a bloody life
without the combatants seeking help from the courts or the police.
These are the citizens who have lost their faith in the system of
law and believe personal vendetta is preferable to court or police
action.
We are not even talking about
corporate wars or family intramurals over business interests or
inheritance. These reality shows deserve another essay.
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