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Monday, August 25, 2008

 

ENTHUSIASMS & FOREBODINGS
By Rene Q. Bas
Mindanao, Sabah and Malaysia

 
Why do the 20 officers of League of Cities of the Philippines, led by Mandaluyong Mayor Benjamin Abalos Jr., the LCP president, accept the premise that the perpetrators of the Lanao del Norte, North Cotabato and Sarang­gani terrorist attacks and killings are “rogue elements” of the MILF?

MILF fighters under Commander Bravo and Commander Ombra Kato committed the terrorist acts. The MILF leadership has not disowned these commanders.

On Saturday, August 23, one of these two commanders told the TV stations that he had nothing to do with the attacks, killings and hostage taking. He said his men acted on their own.

The MILF leadership also says the same thing. That it’s not their fault if lower-rank MILF soldiers are so frustrated as to be driven to commit terrorist acts. It’s the fault, they say, of the Philippine government and the Supreme Court that the treasonous MOA-AD could not be signed as scheduled on August 5.

Foreign support

The MILF has been playing this game with impunity. Perhaps because its leaders can count on the support of Malaysia. The other powers have helped the MILF get hold of a document initialed by men of the Philippine government surrendering parts of Mindanao to a Bangsamoro state.

The British government made Sabah (North Borneo) a state of the Malaysian Federation—over and against the ignored objection of our government and the Sultan of Sulu. The British got the support of the United States, and the United Nations, in this enterprise.

The US wanted to build up a strong Southeast Asian alliance to combat communism. The proposed Malaysian Federation would be a major component of this alliance.

How about us Flips? They could safely ignore us. We were solidly pro-American and anti-communist anyway (except for Joma Sison-Amado Guerrero’s band, who were being supported by the Indonesian and the Chinese commies.)

Brown Americans

It didn’t count that we were “the Brown Americans.” Uncle Sam did not lift a finger to help us attain real rule over Sabah. There, until the late 60s the chiefs of police and the top civil servants were mainly Cebuano-speaking Filipinos. Having Sabah and its oil would have made the Philippines richer, with a stronger economic foundation.

Perhaps, Uncle Sam saw us just as Gen. Douglas MacArthur did. He was the virtual post-W W II emperor of Japan. Emperor Hirohito was MacArthur’s politely-treated captive. MacArthur and the Americans leaders saw Filipinos as nice yes-men, trying hard to be like Americans, but lacking the discipline and sophistication of the Japanese. Which is why MacArthur poured all the US money, aid and goodwill he could get from Washington and the Pentagon to build Japan into USA’s partner in Asia.

Domino theory

In the 60s, British leaders—and the US leaders in the White House and in Congress—were enthralled by the so-called Domino Theory. It saw the various Southeast Asian countries falling over to Communism like dominoes. The local communist parties were inspired—and supported—by China, Vietnam and the Soviet Union.

There was one other thing that made us seem unreliable to Uncle Sam and the Brits: That most of us were taking Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, democracy, freedom of the press and human rights seriously.

In contrast, the leaders of the Malay Peninsula were feudal princes and lords. The Brits and the Americans needed people, like Lee Kuan Yew and Tungku Abdul Rahman, who would not think twice about breaking the balls of commies and troublesome leftists. We were stupidly in love with campaigning and holding elections every four years. And our Senate and Supreme Court—both having some men of wisdom, culture and Godliness—were too sold on democratic ideals. We could not possibly be trustworthy allies against the Communist Menace.

The president at the time of the creation of the Malaysian Federation was Mrs. Arroyo’s father, Diosdado. He tried to defend our—and the Sultan of Sulu’s—sovereign claim to Sabah. But the foreign powers—and Filipinos who would gain from supporting the UK-US-UN decision to ignore the Philippines undermined his efforts. Later, Ninoy Aquino would support British and Malaysian interests because he was “promoting democracy in the Philippines.” He exposed to the BBC Marcos’ tragic, nationalistic “Operation Merdeka” to subvert Malaysian rule over Sabah.

Martial law

Ferdinand Marcos became our popularly elected president when he defeated President Macapagal in 1965. The foreign powers at first treated him (as did the Filipinos who held the powers of banking, industry and media) as someone who would eventually disappear from the scene. Then he began to behave like the strong­men rulers of China, Taiwan and Korea, stronger than the Ma­laysian leaders and Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew. When he was reelected for a second term, the foreign powers—and the Filipinos— started giving him a bit more respect than they used to.

Marcos declared martial law in 1972 and stopped treating politics and government as a game played according to set rules. He jailed his enemies—including Ninoy Aquino. The foreign powers began to treat him like an emperor. They—and even Malaysia—listened more attentively to what he had to say about the future of our part of the world.

rqb@manilatimes.net
rq_bas@yahoo.com

   
 

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