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At last Monday’s protest actions huge banners screamed:
“Resign All!” The demand did not stop there, however.
The protesters also called for the
establishment of what they called a “transition council.” The
Spanish word for such a council is junta.
The prominence of this slogan in the
February 25 rallies triggered speculation as to whether or not the
forces at both extremes of the political spectrum have come to
an agreement on the next act in the unfolding political drama.
The slogan for a “transition council”
was carried mostly on the red streamers of its presumably left-wing
advocates. The junta option, however, has also been echoed by some
Church figures. Moreover, analysts are wondering whether the
so-called Council for Moral Revolution formed by Pangasinan Rep.
Jose de Venecia Jr. actually has subliminal reference to the
transition junta.
While left-wingers and rightists have
every right to take to the political arena, many Filipinos remain
uncomfortable with even the suggestion of a junta. Perhaps its
advocates need to realize that the call for a transition council is
precisely what is dousing cold water on their clamor for President
Arroyo’s resignation.
For one, a junta would be bereft of any
cloak of legitimacy.
Presumably, its advocates are banking on
the theory that a prospective People Power III would give the
transition council some semblance of validity. In that case, they
will have to admit outright that the formation of a junta falls
outside constitutional parameters—and, therefore, revolutionary.
That’s even more frightening.
FAQs on junta
The frequently asked questions about the
junta are:
• Will it be composed of the same people who
aired the loudest call for its formation—meaning, BAYAN, some
Catholic bishops, party-list representatives and the like?
• Who will head it? Will the junta chair go to
its most vocal advocates, such as Liza Masa, Etta Rosales, Risa
Hontiveros or Bishop Oscar Cruz? Or even ex-President Joseph Estrada
who recently offered himself as caretaker president?
• Would the junta survive without the support
of the Armed Forces? For a chance to get AFP support, the junta must
have a military component. As the senior general officers are
obviously not keen on a junta, the military component would then
have to be limited to the jailed generals Danilo Lim and Renato
Miranda. Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV would not qualify to represent
the military since he has been discharged from the service as a
result of the mutiny charges against him.
• How long would such a junta, assuming it can
actually be formed, govern the country? Six months? One year? Ten
years? Who will define its term and powers? How can one even arrive
at a definition? A revolutionary body has no legal limits since it
has no legal basis in the first place.
• What happens to the Congress when the junta
grabs power? Would the legislature survive? Or would the transition
council arrogate legislative powers unto itself?
Let’s face it: a junta, no matter how
“holy and benevolent” the council members may be, is a dangerous
idea. As a revolutionary body, it would only have the conscience and
morals of its members to temper the proclivity for limitless power,
which the junta can vest on itself.
Political pot
Meanwhile, the political pot appears to
have come to a boil prematurely. Already prospective presidential
contenders are positioning themselves aggressively for the 2010
election, still a good two years away.
True, the early political excitement could
be a problem, too. It could take away the nation’s focus and
energy from issues that are truly urgent. Political contests have a
way of grabbing our collective imagination—and keeping it captive.
Then again, this could steer the nation
away from rushing headlong down the path of self-destruction.
That Filipinos are now looking at the 2010
horizon means they will not accept an unconstitutional or
extra-constitutional succession to the presidency. There is only one
way to replace the incumbent: democratic elections.
Antiadministration forces have put forward
a couple of options: either snap elections following the resignation
of Mrs. Arroyo and Vice President Noli de Castro or the
aforementioned junta to take over following the ouster of the Arroyo
administration.
Notwithstanding the media frenzy that has
served to magnify the allegations exploded in the Senate’s NBN-ZTE
probe, both the snap polls and junta proposals have failed to catch
fire. Apparently, the preferred method is a regular, constitutional
succession—and no other.
Although indignant over the accusations of
wrongdoing and determined in their quest for the truth, most
Filipinos will not allow themselves to be manipulated by forces out
to grab power for themselves.
Last year Filipinos learned they can
divorce business from politics—even at the height of the November
29 episode at the Manila Pen. This is why the country’s economic
outlook remains bright notwithstanding the deafening din of
political controversy.
The conclusion is obvious: The economy has
become sufficiently robust to weather the proverbial slings and
arrows of partisan strife. Moreover, with eyes focused on 2010, even
our polity has developed a measure of maturity.
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