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Our senators appear to be still learning how to deal with
Beijing—the Asian power which has become our leading trade
partner. Some of them still insist that the Senate committees
investigating the broadband project can go direct to the Chinese
embassy without passing through diplomatic channels. That is not the
correct way.
Perhaps, it would not harm the Blue Ribbon
Committee if it consults our professional diplomats about the
complications that could arise if envoys were improperly invited to
our domestic probes. A briefing from our foreign office would
probably help prevent obvious errors detrimental to our national
interest.
For instance, Sen. Allan Peter Cayetano, chair
of the committee, said: “If there are allegations that a
Philippine corporation bribed Chinese officials, I think the Chinese
government would investigate (its) officials and would ask for the
cooperation of the Philippine government.” At best, this statement
is an assumption that deserves reality check.
If the Chinese complains about a corrupt RP firm
in China, the Chinese government would probably ask for Manila’s
help—but only through diplomatic channels. That means the Chinese
government would transmit its request to Foreign Affairs Secretary
Alberto Romulo, in line with protocol.
By the way, the National People’s
Congress—China’s equivalent of the RP Senate and House
combined—can never go direct to the Philippine government.
Hence, the Chinese government would be surprised to get a letter
from the Senate, without the knowledge of the DFA.
If the Senate wants to seek the cooperation of
China in the current investigation, it should request the DFA to
prepare the request to China asking the ZTE representatives to
appear. But that is all there is to it—a request for the Chinese
officials to appear can be denied or accepted.
We should use this opportunity to learn from the
current investigation how to deal with foreign witnesses. As we
continue this probe on corruption, we will find out that we would
need the cooperation of many countries, especially those who give us
aid. Time will come when we will need the testimonies of
foreigners handling ODA from such countries as Japan, the US and the
European Union.
Our political choices
The present situation is very fluid, according
to former senator Francisco S. Tatad who spoke at the Kapihan sa
Sulo last Saturday. This means that we could be in for some major
political changes in the next few months. Here are some
possibilities.
One, President GMA will be able to survive the
political crisis up 2010. She continues to have the trust of
the armed forces, police and the bureaucracy. And the foreign
governments continue to recognize her. She may even field her own
presidential candidate, or support an ally.
Two, the crisis reaches its peak and the
President is forced to resign before 2010. Vice-President Noli de
Castro, the constitutional successor, takes over. De Castro appoints
a senator as vice-president. He governs during the remainder of
GMA’s term and prepares to run himself in the polls.
Three, both the President and Vice President
resign. Senate President Manny Villar takes over. Villar appoints a
senator as Vice President. He also prepares to run for president in
2010.
Four, the President, vice-president and the
Senate President resign (with the Senate President telling the
nation that he should not be a beneficiary of the Senate hearings on
NBN). The Speaker of the House, Mindanao’s Prospero Nograles,
takes over the Presidency.
Five, the crisis paves the way for a
nonconstitutional or revolutionary solution. A transition
council is formed, with members coming from sectors and all those
who participated in mass actions.
There may be other variations to this scenario.
In the meantime, take your pick.
Sloganeering
Is a propaganda expert briefing potential
witnesses at the Senate—in aid of a political agenda? A friend
told me yesterday to take note of the high-impact value of slogans
in the testimonies given last week at the Senate by former Arescom
staff Dante Madriaga. For instance, he uses loaded phrases like
“Gang of Four” to a political faction in China headed by the
wife of Mao-Zedong. In China, if you are called a member of this
group, you are condemned to eternity. In the Philippine context, the
Gang of Four comprises four persons who benefited from the ZTE deal.
Another term used by Madriaga is “Greedy Group Plus Plus” which
immediately condemns those named and virtually removes their right
to a reply. These slogans are intended for headline purposes.
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