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By Nora O. Gamolo Senior Desk
Editor
(Editor’s note: Part one
reported how
aid makes recipients subservient
to donor countries.)»ANALYSIS
Last of two parts
A 2006 perception survey
conducted by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in Indonesia and the
Philippines shows that 82 percent of respondents feel “corruption
is to blame for waste in ODA.”
Even the Development Assistance
Committee, a group of bilateral official development assistance (ODA)
donors within the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development, had once said its members share a concern with
corruption.
Former researcher turned
fair-trade advocate Arnold Padilla said, “Corruption in ODA
transactions undermines good governance.” It wastes scarce
resources, undermines credibility of borrowing government and the
funder, and compromises all related processes, he added.
Jose Enrique Africa, Ibon
Foundation research head, cited the North Luzon Railways Project (NorthRail)
deal financed largely with a $960-million concessional loan from
China —and allegedly involving up to $100 million in kickbacks to
high-ranking government officials.
While it was initiated, the
NorthRail probe was not properly concluded. In February, Sen. Joker
Arroyo said, “I would oppose an investigation of the $70-million
SouthRail project unless the Senate would first dispose its
investigation of the gargantuan $500- million loan for the NorthRail,
which it had already completed, and all that remains is to make the
committee report. Otherwise, this will be one of those
investigations without [a] committee report.”
Resolving allegations of
corruption was not at all helped when important documents go
missing.
Lately, the memorandum of
agreement between the Philippine and Chinese corporations on
the $932-million SouthRail projects was reported missing, Sen. Jamby
Madrigal said Wednesday.
Corruption is decried as a main
culprit in the continuing poverty and misery of Filipinos.
Physician Darby Santiago, who
belongs to the Health Alliance for Truth and Justice, said, “Some
20 percent of the national budget goes to corruption, and seven out
of 10 official development aid projects are mostly white elephants
that do not deliver economic benefits.”
He said the alleged $130-million
kickback, or P6.5 million, for the scrapped national broadband deal,
would have paid for antibiotic medication for seven days for 6.5
million patients; anti-tuberculosis treatment for almost 1.1 million
patients for six months; and would represent five times the annual
budget of the country’s main training hospital, the Philippine
General Hospital, which serves around 600,000 patients a year.
Standard practice
So, is overpricing the norm in
projects funded by official development assistance?
According to the 2006 report of
the Commission on Audit, irregularities attended many aid-funded
projects, as well as problems of non-completion and unliquidated
advances, involving billions of pesos.
More than P860-billion
commitments for 301 ODA loans as of end-2006, some P107-billion
worth of loans were cancelled and P102 billion were suspended due to
non-compliance with procurement rules, the audit report said.
Involved in these loans were
“unnecessary and overpriced” land acquisitions that cost more
than P36 billion; double-recording, unrecorded or erroneous
transactions that resulted into a net overstatement of P2.6 billion;
unliquidated cash advances and fund transfers amounting to P1.56
billion; “irregular, unnecessary and uneconomical use of funds”
worth P475 million; and P13.6-million worth of “excessive and
defective” school implements, among others.
“We’re not talking of loose
change here,” said Sen. Mar Roxas 2nd. “This is our people’s
money in the billions of dollars apparently being stolen or
frivolously spent.” Roxas, chairman of the Senate committee on
trade and commerce, said he pushed for the audit commission’s
recommendation “for a thorough review of the process by which ODA
funds are used and approved.”
While the law provides for
necessary checks to ensure transparency and fairness in
government procurement, there are certain “exceptions to the
rule” that eventually become loopholes, where billions in
anomalous transactions leak through.
Roxas earlier filed Senate Bill
No. 1793 to enforce the rule that even executive agreements are
subject to public bidding, and Senate Bill 1794 to tighten rules on
aid loans and which would require all ODA-funded projects to undergo
Senate ratification.
China has lately emerged as an
aid donor in the Philippines’, reflecting China’s increasing
global aggressiveness in the ODA realm.
Africa of Ibon Foundation said
China was only the Philippine’s distantly fifth biggest donor in
2006, but its loans were, on average, the largest at some $153
million per loan.
“The sheer size of these loans
combined with China’s more lax approach to ODA, compared to the
more established donors, has apparently tended to foster
irregularities and corruption,” he said.
China’s donor standing could
change significantly with the signing of a China-Philippines
Framework Agreement in January 2007 that potentially covers at least
$1.6 billion to $2.7 billion in additional aid for seven
infrastructure projects.
“If even just the pipeline
projects come on-line, then China would have over $2-billion worth
of commitments to the country—bringing it from virtually nowhere
to being a close second to Japan in just a few years,” Africa
said.
Some legislators have charged
that China’s increasing participation in aid funding in the
Philippines could have been occasioned by its attempts to neutralize
Philippine claim on the potentially oil-rich Kalayaan group of
islands (also known as the Spratlys). Senate President Manny Villar
Jr. is pushing for an inquiry about government’s dealings with
China concerning the Spratlys.
In 2004, three years after Mrs.
Arroyo became President, the Philippines entered into an agreement
with China for joint exploration, and possibly development, of the
area’s energy resources in the Kalayaan.
Mrs. Arroyo’s unilateral
Philippine action on this joint exploration and development
agreement has broken Asean solidarity on a status quo on territorial
claims by four Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean),
besides China and Taiwan.
World Bank projects
Critical eyes now watching
developments concerning ODA are looking with keenness at the recent
announcement of the Philippine office of the World Bank for the
resumption of negotiations for the National Roads Improvement and
Management Program Phase 2, cancelled three months ago for alleged
irregularities.
Between 2003 and 2006, the World
Bank rejected two large road contracts in three successive rounds of
biddings because of strong signs of collusion and excessive pricing
that also involved another Chinese corporation.
The World Bank acknowledged that
some 90 percent of the project goals during the first phase of the
program (2000 to 2007) were completed: 382 kilometers of roads were
built or upgraded in provinces across the country, and an additional
975 kilometers of existing roads resurfaced and maintained. In 2003,
however, signs of procurement problems in the first phase of the
program were identified.
The funder then recommended
“stringent anticorruption measures” it developed jointly with
the Philippine government to be followed by implementing agencies
before discussions on phase 2 of the road program can continue.
These included independent
procurement assessment and technical audit to strengthen bidding
transparency; enhanced processes for procurement, financial
management, internal controls and audits of the road management
agencies; and inclusion of a new and innovative coalition of citizen
and road user groups, called “Road Watch” in the project
management set-up to monitor project implementation and procurement,
and issue periodic performance reports.
This project is a test case that
can also be replicated in similar projects. Observers wonder if the
government can implement these “stringent measures” and turn
back the tide of suspicion that has attended its implementation of
ODA projects.
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