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By Salim Ali, Contributor
(Part 1 noted the frustration of the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front [MILF] with the breakdown of its peace
negotiations with the Philippine government. This dissatisfaction
arose from the possibility that Manila may have entered into a deal
or an alliance with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), which
was once headed by Nur Misuari. The former MNLF chairman recently
posted bail for his temporary liberty. Misuari had been detained for
rebellion. His release was seen by MILF leaders as a sign that the
government would abandon the stalled peace talks with them, in favor
of revisiting the terms of the 1976 peace pact that the MNLF,
through Misuari, signed with the Marcos administration.)
Some Mindanao Muslims supposedly fear that war
will break out again as the government and the Philippine military
can see that the MILF will not agree to adopting Philippine
constitutional processes to create an independent state for the
Muslim minority in the country’s southern Mindanao region.
President Gloria Arroyo supposedly could be held
liable for dismembering the Philippine Republic if she signed an
agreement with the MILF that creates a Bangsamoro homeland without
meeting constitutional requirements.
Such agreement, the Mindanao Muslims said, might
make undisciplined members of the separatist organization who are
eager for war to strike against government forces.
Or, they added, some hotheads in the military
might just begin attacking MILF camps, whose presence the government
has tolerated in keeping with a truce between the two sides. The
planned pullout of the Malaysians from the International Monitoring
Team (IMT), which oversees the ceasefire, could make the attack
happen, the Mindanao Muslims said.
The MILF has accused the Philippine military of
beefing up its arms supplies and fighting capability. It said the
buildup began in February this year, or after Malaysia announced the
withdrawal from the IMT. The Armed Forces has denied the allegation.
The denial was lost on the rebels, who apparently want a “final
peace agreement” signed immediately that will lead to the creation
of a Bangsamoro “state or sub-state.” The military explained
that any materiel and troop augmentations in Mindanao had been on
the cards.
It was also reported to have been displeased
with the government’s initial reaction to the announcement of
Kuala Lumpur’s pullout. The rebels supposedly would have preferred
to hear Malacañang pleading with Malaysia to change its mind.
An item from the Luwaran website of the MILF
said, “Article Eight of the Terms of Reference [TOR] of the IMT
are the two primary reasons for the phased withdrawal of the
Malaysian contingent in Mindanao starting May 10.” It added that
the TOR was signed by the Philippine government and MILF peace
negotiators in Kuala Lumpur on September 8, 2004. Datuk Othman bin
Abdul Razak signed the document as facilitator in behalf of the
Malaysian government.
Jun Mantawil, head of the secretariat of the
MILF peace panel, apparently saw a “hate campaign” against
Malaysia being waged by “personalities or groups identified with
the Philippine government.” The message of the campaign, according
to Luwaran, is that the pullout will put at risk, even death, the
people of Mindanao, if hostilities break out.
This “blame-Malaysia” battlecry, Mantawil
said, “is silently being orchestrated by Malacañang spin masters
to discredit the Malaysians.”
The MILF official, an old-timer in the
11-year-old peace talks, claimed that the Philippine government’s
allegedly willful, deliberate, and arrogant violations of Article
Eight of the IMT-TOR were the real reason behind the Malaysian
pullout. The article pertains to “Termination and/or Suspension of
the IMT.” A lesser reason, Mantawil said, was that the Malaysian
contingent in the IMT was pulling out over the Philippine
government’s alleged failure to meet its obligations to the peace
process, “particularly on providing funds for operations.”
The official said Manila has violated Section ii
and Section iii of Article Eight. “The IMT might cease or suspend
the performance of [its] functions, with due notice to the GRP
[Government of the Republic of the Philippines] and MILF Peace
Panels, in the event of (i) the field situation [becoming] too
dangerous and life-threatening to its members; (ii) either GRP or
MILF [failing] to fulfill [its] commitments and responsibilities to
the peace process; and (iii) lack of support from either GRP or MILF
toward any of [the IMT’s] reports.”
He added that the government has also violated
Section ii by allegedly delaying resumption of the peace talks.
Mantawil cited the two sides practically agreeing on a draft
agreement on “ancestral domain” for the restart of the
negotiations on February 22. Ancestral domain refers to areas that
would constitute the Bangsamoro homeland.
Luwaran said the Malaysian facilitator made his
last shuttle from Manila to Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat, Shariff
Kabunsuan, from February 19 to 22, trying to settle all the
remaining minor points of differences between the government and the
rebels. Manila, instead of reconvening the peace panels, it added,
created a legal team to study the legality and constitutionality of
the draft agreement. The MILF denounced the move as a “ploy to
delay the talks.”
Mantawil also accused the government of
violating Section iii by “deliberately ignoring” the call of the
Malaysian facilitator to resume the talks immediately. He cited
settlement of the issue of ancestral domain. But Malacañang said
they were waiting for the findings of government lawyers on the
issue.
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