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The deep-seated problems and flaws of the Arroyo administration
convince me that the present governance is defective and cannot be
corrected under the prevailing system. The fact that the three
branches of government—supposed to provide check and
balance—could be co-opted by a manipulative and dominant executive
has led the masses to show their growing discontent in survey upon
survey. The Arroyo administration is the most unpopular, ahead of
the Marcos and Estrada governments.
Unfortunately, attempts to revise and reform the
present system via charter change have been viewed with suspicion
and contempt. These attempts have been dismissed by the political
opposition, religious groups and the business sector, among others.
Sen. Aquilino “Nene” Pimentel has re-opened the debate on
charter change with his resolution on federalism.
Based on past experience, it is important to
situate discussions on federalism outside the parameters of
traditional politics, disassociated from a Malacañang- led
“cha-cha” and from politicians’ attempts to shift to a
parliamentary system. Some of the questions that must be answered
are:
1. Are the problems facing the country caused
less by the presidential system than by the unitary system?
2. Will a federalist structure truly have a
positive impact on the lives of local peoples?
3. Will federalism appeal to the ethnic/local
communities as the best means to protect and strengthen their
identities?
4. In short, is federalism a solution to
particular problems that the electorate can sense but cannot
articulate: apathy, corruption, directionless progress, loss of
identity, concentration of wealth or inequitable development?
I visited Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)
Chair Nur Misuari last Thursday to get his views on the crisis
brewing in Mindanao and on Senator Pimentel’s resolution, now
supported by 16 senators. Misuari was in consultation with MNLF
commanders from Central Mindanao, discussing the plans for the MNLF
Peace Congress on May 25 in Davao.
We discussed the status of the Autonomous Region
in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Autonomy was the political solution
agreed upon by the MNLF and the Philippine government in 1996 to end
the decades of insurgency waged by the MNLF. “Maas” (“old
man,” a Tausug term used as an endearment by Misuari’s
followers) was adamant in his view that the government has reneged
on its commitment to support autonomy for the Bangsamoro (Moro
nation).
Maas reminded me of his remarks during the 10th
anniversary of the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement held in Davao two
years ago. He disparaged the implementation of the agreement, saying
it had to be resuscitated first before it could be implemented. He
spoke before an audience which included his loyal commanders and
leaders, former President Fidel V. Ramos, his co-architect of the
peace agreement, Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita, Peace Adviser
Jesus Dureza and the military led by Gen. Hermogenes Esperon.
Why should Misuari’s opinion matter?
During his term as ARMM regional governor,
Misuari was criticized as a poor administrator and was accused of
nepotism and corruption. Believing that Misuari had lost the support
of the masses and, therefore, vulnerable, a cabal of Malacañang-supported
MNLF leaders known as the Council of 15 eased him out of the
chairmanship, replacing him with Dr. Parouk Hussin. Unfortunately,
Malacañang miscalculated. Maas remains the only leader who commands
the loyalty of most of the MNLF commanders and communities.
Six years of incarceration have only made him
more popular. The recent attempt to declare Cotabato City Mayor
Muslimin Sema as the new MNLF chairman has been disputed by MNLF
commanders. Even MNLF leader Thambayapa Manjoorsa, now deputy
national security adviser, believes it is Misuari who can unite the
MNLF. Manjoorsa is in Libya with MNLF leader Parouk Hussin and
several others, most probably to discuss not only the MNLF but also
the possible unification between the MNLF and the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front (MILF). Saif, the son and heir of Libyan strongman
Khadaffy, was in Manila several months ago in a failed initiative to
unite the two liberation fronts.
Maas believes that federalism, in lieu of
independence, is the best option for the Bangsamoro, since the
system has only served to make the ARMM a dependent of Malacañang.
However, he thinks Mindanao should have only one state. The ARMM can
retain its status as an autonomous region but if it remains part of
the undivided state of Mindanao, secession becomes less viable.
The MNLF will have its Peace Congress on May 25,
a day before the tripartite meeting that will review the 1996 peace
agreement. Caravans for peace will march from all points of Mindanao
on May 23, meeting in Davao for the Congress. If his loyalists can
pull this off, they will once and for all show that it is Misuari
who is THE leader of the MNLF, inspite of attempts by Malacañang to
dislodge him.
Misuari therefore is in a strong position to
unite the leadership of the MNLF, if he will accept those who
“betrayed the cause of the Bangsamoro.” A unified MNLF is
necessary to bring the MILF and the MNLF together.
What about the MILF?
(To be continued next week)
aminarasul@yahoo.com
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