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Last week, Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) leaders were
“invited” to a meeting in Tripoli by Saif-al-Islam Gadaffy, son
of the Libyan strongman. They were accompanied by Security Adviser
Norberto Gonzales and Peace Adviser Jesus Dureza (soon to trade his
peace pipe for the microphone of the press secretary). Libya has
been pushing the MNLF to unite. Saif Gadaffy had attempted to do so
when he visited Manila several months ago.
A press statement and a communiqué, signed by
10 MNLF leaders, swiftly circulated announcing an agreement on May
18 to form a transition and unification committee, to be headed by
Misuari. The ten leaders included Cotabato City Mayor Muslimin Sema,
Sulu Rep. Yusuf Jikiri, former Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
Gov. Parouk Hussin, Deputy Presidential Security Advisor Thambeyapa
Manjoorsa, Regional Legislative Assemblyman Hatimil Hassan, and MNLF
Mufti Sharif Zain Jali.
The May 18 meeting agreed on 13 points,
including MNLF participation in the government’s move for
federalism. (Senator Nene: Is your resolution now a done deal?)
MNLF Peace Congress
The MNLF will hold its Peace Congress on May 24
to 25 in Davao City. Fifty thousand MNLF were expected to converge
at the congress, according to lawyer Randolph “Bong” Parcasio,
legal counsel to Chairman Nur Misuari. I wondered if the
“consensus” reached at the May 18 MNLF meeting in Tripoli would
have any impact on the Peace Congress. Even the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front (MILF) welcomed the initiative. MILF Secretariat
Chair Muhammad Ameen told media that the move would “simplify MILF
effort to reach out to our brothers in the MNLF.”
But wait a minute . . . where is Misuari’s
signature? Oooops. Nada. Missing. An insider told me that the MNLF
leaders representing Misuari at the Tripoli meeting felt pressured
to sign, even though they were not able to discuss the matter with
Maas. How will Maas’ repudiation of such a publicly lauded
transition committee affect the government’s plans for peace?
(Does the government have a peace plan?)
It seems to me we are in a free for all
situation. National Security guru Bert Gonzales has his plan. The
various military groups have their strategies. Sec. Jess Dureza had
his moves. And now we have a new peace adviser, Gen. Hermogenes
Esperon Jr. What is his peace plan? Recently retired as chief of the
Armed Forces of the Philippines, he will have to catch and juggle
several fireballs. With the promise he made to Mrs. Arroyo to crush
the insurgents, General Esperon is more likely to just get his
howitzer and blow the fireballs to kingdom come instead of using a
water pistol to douse the flames.
But I digress. To get back on track: I really
can’t see an integrated government peace strategy. Certainly, a
unified MNLF is necessary if the government hopes to bring the MILF
and the MNLF together. A nagging thought: why would the government
want a union between a disgruntled MNLF (harping over the
nonimplementation of the 1996 Final Peace Agreement) and an equally
unhappy MILF (carping over the government’s reneging over
ancestral domain issues). What’s the possibility that the two
liberation fronts would now unite into one stormy front?
If the MNLF and the MILF agree to be at the same
table, then government will find it easier to resolve the sticky
issues surrounding the implementation of the 1996 FPA (failed
autonomy) and the stalled GRP-MILF peace process (over ancestral
domain). The shift to federalism, proposed by Sen. Aquilino
“Nene” Pimentel, is viewed as a key that would unlock
constitutional barriers to granting the right to self-determination
demanded by the Muslim liberation fronts. (Opposition groups,
however, view the shift as the key that would lock in Mrs.
Arroyo’s control beyond 2010, if the Philippine Constitution is
amended to allow her to remain in power.)
Federalism was proposed after the MILF peace
panel accused the Philippine government of reneging on its
commitments on ancestral domain, refusing to participate in the
scheduled peace talks in Kuala Lumpur last December. According to
the MILF, the government included “constitutional process” in
its draft agreement on “19 Consensus Points on Ancestral
Domain.” Early on, the MILF had agreed not to bring independence
to the table while the government agreed that it would not seek
refuge behind constitutional prohibitions and processes. This
gentlemen’s agreement allowed both groups to move forward on
issues like the cessation of hostilities and economic development,
later addressing the more contentious issues like ancestral domain.
The shift to federalism will allow the
government to support the aspiration of the Bangsamoro (Moro Nation)
for self-determination as it provides for the demands for power
sharing by local governments and regions far from imperial Manila.
However, will the MILF, which has consistently refused to recognize
the power of the Philippine Constitution over them, now view the
move for federalism in a more positive light? Probably not. As
former Rep. Michael Mastura asks, “Why does the government prefer
to disrupt the procedural steps of the peace talks while redirecting
the MILF side’s position to be locked into the constitutional
mandate?”
(Continued next Sunday)
aminarasul@yahoo.com
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