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By Mio Cusi
, Senior Reporter
Political dynasties reflect an internal
contradiction in any democratic institution. The Constitution
explicitly prohibits their existence, since they preclude equal
access to public service. Yet they continue to exert a pervasive
influence on Philippine politics.
“Political dynasties are expanding further
rather than contracting. This is a direct contravention of the
Constitution,” party-list Rep. Satur Ocampo of Bayan Muna said.
Ironically, it is the tolerant character of
democracy that allows such groups to justify their existence and
thrive under the mantle of legitimacy.
Ocampo added that while the fundamental law of
the land requires the passage of a law to define the concept of
“political dynasty” and disallow its abusive practice,
legislators are not about to shoot their own foot.
“The Constitution passes on to the legislature
the enactment of an enabling law to carry out that policy. The
reality is that the dominant members of the House belong to
political dynasties, which cannot be expected to legislate their own
demise as a political entity,” he said.
Rep. Benigno Aquino 3rd of Tarlac, however,
viewed the issue on whether a member of a political family should
continue in office or not, as a matter of public choice. “At the
end of the day, people deserve the government they get,” he said.
Aquino recounted the efforts of the Department
of the Interior and Local Government in 1986 to unseat the political
warlords when her mother, former President Corazon Aquino, assumed
office.
“After EDSA 1, there were warlords who were
replaced by officers in charge, or OICs.
The people were given the opportunity to choose
in the next local election, but they still voted those who were
replaced,” Aquino said in Pilipino.
Perhaps, among those whom Aquino may be alluding
to was former Cavite governor Juanito Remulla whose son, Juanito
Victor or “Jonvic,” is currently serving as vice governor. The
elder Remulla was able to hang on to his post until former NBI
director Epimaco Velasco defeated him in the 1995 local election.
Like Aquino, the Cavite vice governor feels that
the choice of a political leader should be left to the constituents.
“It’s the people’s choice. It’s their right under the
Constitution.”
But Jonvic, whose younger brother Gilbert is a
House representative of the same province, seemed to be taking an
alternative path quite different from the father with respect to
local governance. “My father’s concern was industrialization.
But my priorities, No. 1 is environment, then education and land
use,” he said.
Prior to the term of Velasco, human-rights
activists and environmentalists strongly criticized former governor
Remulla for running Cavite with an iron hand and oblivious to the
environmental degradation caused by the vigorous pursuit of his
industrialization plan.
Two years ago, however, Jonvic got into a word
war with incumbent governor Erineo Maliksi over the construction of
the Robinson’s Mall in Dasmariñas.
The vice governor, while acting as presiding
officer at the Sangguniang Panlalawigan, issued a cease-and-desist
order against the retail giant. For failure to comply with necessary
requirements as well as environmental and traffic concerns, the
provincial council opposed the construction.
Some observers said this was an act that could
have incurred his father’s ire if undertaken during the Marcos
era.
Monopoly of leadership
Ocampo still maintains the view that no
political family should exercise monopoly of leadership, especially
if they have all the economic resources and political clout to do
so. “The idea is to democratize, specifically, to give chance to
ordinary people to elect their own,” he said.
He gave the instance of the daughter of the late
senator Renato Cayetano, Pia, who is determined to follow the
footsteps of her father. Although Ocampo does not question her
competence, he criticized the way Malacañang reserved a slot for
her as if she has a vested right to the Senate post.
“We have a Cayetano son in the House already.
Why do we have to put a daughter in the Senate?”
Considering the blessings bestowed by the
present leadership in the lineup of candidates in the coming
election, Ocampo is pessimistic that political dynasties will ever
be stamped out. He thinks President Arroyo is encouraging it
herself. “She is starting her own,” he said.
For his part, Aquino cautioned critics from
giving hasty generalizations as to individual members of a
particular political bloodline. He feels that the candidate of
political family who runs for public office should not be accused
outright of promoting a dynasty, although the temptation is there to
abuse such a stature.
“The sins of the father should not be visited
upon the children,” he quoted a biblical verse while admitting
that there are clans who would abuse their clout. But he doesn’t
believe that “those who have the potential to abuse are guilty
already.”
To further defend his stand, Aquino narrated his
entry into politics. “For the sake of argument, let’s say for
instance, my father and mother did something good for the province.
I ran in my district and I must admit, my constituents did give me a
chance although they did not know me very well.”
He also emphasized that the district, which he
currently represents, is neither a bailiwick of the Cojuangcos nor
the Aquinos. “The Cojuangcos are in the first district and Aquinos
in the third. I am in the middle.”
It is also public knowledge that he differed in
his views with his uncle, Rep. Agapito “Butz” Aquino of Makati
City, and aunt, Sen. Teresa Aquino Oreta, when both sided with
former President Joseph Estrada.
Although he relied on the family name when he
campaigned during his first term in Congress, Aquino said he got
reelected nonetheless. “Maybe I also did something good for
them,” he said.
In response to the perception that political
families tenaciously cling to power, Aquino pointed out that there
are clans like the Laurels of Batangas, who were eased out of the
political arena.
“Sometimes, the system works in a way that
you’ll just have to be sorry if people don’t like you. If they
like you, they reelect you,” he said.
He was also proud that his winning a
congressional seat was not marred by any irregularity. “In both
elections, I never encountered an election protest or summons from
the Ombudsman.”
As to having his cousins—representatives
Gilbert Teodoro, Charlie and Mark Cojuangco—with him in the House,
Aquino explained that they never had a “shared background”
considering the Cojuangco clan had split way back in 1965.
“We only met because we are colleagues here.
We are on the same coin, but on different sides,” Aquino said, as
he reiterated how they belonged to opposite camps during the
controversy involving Supreme Court Chief Justice Hilario Davide Jr.
Differences regarding certain issues, however,
did not prevent Aquino and Teodoro from cooperating with one another
on development concerns, including the Balog-Balog Multipurpose
Project that affects irrigation in their own districts.
Hesitant?
Not all political leaders would admit to
encouraging their children to run for public office. Sen. Rodolfo
Biazon claimed he never wanted his son, Rep. Raffy Biazon, to enter
politics.
But when Raffy expressed interest, the senator
expected him to first run for councilor of Muntinlupa. He was
surprised when Raffy threw his hat in the congressional ring,
challenging the more experienced Ignacio Bunye. “Papa, I am
running,” Biazon quoted his son as saying.
“If you enter politics, you have to build a
name for yourself,” the senator recalled telling his son. “And I
think he was able to do that.”
Both father and son are members of the defense
committees in their chambers. To dispel notions that the son is just
a puppet of the father, Biazon said he once got a reminder from his
son on their similar functions as elected public officials.
“What your concerns are, are also my concerns.
I am a member of Congress,” the neophyte politician told the
senator.
A direct challenge
Using a Marxist perspective, Ocampo explained
that the emergence of the parties of the Left, Bayan Muna among
others, is part of the struggle against political dynasties.
“These developments are a direct challenge and response to the
worsening situation.”
Ocampo referred to the party-list system as the
“aperture” where the reactionary forces can enter and represent
themselves. Twenty percent of the total number of House seats is
reserved for party-list representation.
But despite the window of opportunity given by
the Constitution, Ocampo believes that Congress made an enabling law
that is “flawed.” It became a device to marginalize the
representation for party-list since the ceiling limits the filling
up of available seats, he said.
Although Ocampo explained the appearance of
reactionary groups in Congress from the point of view of class
struggle, he admitted that House members belonging to political
dynasties have a function in the advocacy of the Left.
“We have been able to expand the number of
House members belonging to traditional parties and political
dynasties to support some of our advocacies,” Ocampo said. He
described the support as “relatively consistent” from a minimum
of 30 to a maximum of 60 congressmen.
There are major issues when many of the
perceived adversaries of the Left gave wider support. Ocampo noted
that 69 members joined with Bayan Muna for a review of the tariff
program, which affects the agriculture sector. During the call for
the investigation of the death of Bayan Muna members, 110
legislators of the House rallied behind.
“Our successes are incremental. Our experience
in the last three years is that we are allowed to voice out our
positions. But when we vote on issues, we face the reality that we
are a small number and so we cannot prevail,” he said.
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