PH, China must aim for the low hanging fruit for now


More than a month after the arbitral tribunal set up under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea decided in favor of the Philippines in its arbitration case against China on disputes in the South China Sea, both countries are looking for a way to end their impasse.

China has rejected the ruling as invalid, but it faces international opprobrium as an outlier who doesn’t live by global norms. An accord with Manila on issues that don’t touch Chinese core interests, such as fisheries, is seen as one way of salvaging its image.

The Philippines, while reveling in its legal triumph, realizes that there is no way to enforce the ruling of the tribunal in The Hague.

So, for both countries, it is worth holding exploratory discussions to see what they might be able to agree on without either side compromising on territorial claims.

The preliminary contacts last week in Hong Kong evidently went well. Former President Fidel Ramos, who led the Philippine team, said after the discussions that he had talked about fishing rights. The Chinese side, he said, simply noted the Philippine concerns while agreeing on the need for further talks to build confidence and lower tensions.

Interestingly, Ramos included Vietnam as another country with historic fishing rights in the disputed waters. This could be significant given China’s reliance on history for its territorial claims.

The Chinese team was jointly led by Fu Ying, former vice foreign minister and now head of the foreign affairs committee of China’s National People’s Congress, and Wu Shicun, president of the National Institute for South China Sea Studies, a think tank.

Both sides said these were not official negotiations, but simply meetings of “old friends.” As it happens, Fu Ying was appointed Chinese ambassador to the Philippines in 1998, Ramos’ last year as President.

Neither side mentioned the fact that it was in 1994-95, while Ramos was President, that the China-Philippine dispute erupted into the open when China occupied Mischief Reef, which was submerged at high tide, and started to build structures on stilts, claiming that they were shelters for fishermen. Today, the reef has been converted into a 5.5 million square meter artificial island, complete with a landing strip for planes.

The Mischief Reef incident eventually blew over and Ramos, after his retirement, became known as a friend of China. He, together with former leaders of Australia and Japan – Bob Hawke and Morihiro Hosokawa – proposed the establishment of the Boao Forum, which nowadays is often referred to as the Davos of Asia.

Fu and Wu recently co-authored a lengthy article, which appeared in the May 9 issue of The National Interest magazine called “South China Sea: How We Got to this Stage.”

In the article, they argue that Chinese sovereignty claims were unchallenged by the international community before the 1930s and says that China, as a country that had been the victim of imperialism, “wants first and foremost to protect its sovereignty.” The same reasoning can be applied, in spades, to the Philippines.

At the end of the Hong Kong discussions, a statement was signed by Ramos, Fu and Wu, which said that, in addition to marine conservation and fishing rights, the two nations should cooperate on tourism, investment and cracking down on drugs and corruption. All these are non-sensitive issues and the two sides should be able to make progress on them.

Looking into the future, the Fu-Wu article provides some clues. For one thing, it indicates that while China claims virtually all land features in the South China Sea and considers their “occupation” by other countries to be illegal, it does not plan any action to change the status quo.

More significantly, the article indicates a Chinese willingness to return to a policy of joint development first espoused in the 1990s. This policy of “shelving disputes and seeking joint development,” Fu and Wu said, is “for the sake of cooperation and regional stability.”

An agreement on joint development logically should be the aim of all claimants in the South China Sea. However, joint development, while fine in theory, is extremely difficult to achieve. It was China’s stated policy on the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute with Japan in the 1970s but no accord was ever reached.

For now, the Philippines and China should aim for lower-hanging fruit. An accord on fishing rights or even on marine conservation, while less sexy, should be welcomed as a big step forward. The next step is official talks, probably in Beijing.
Twitter: @FrankChing1


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  1. I like the Indonisians. They will protect every inch of their territory and they engaged the Chinese. Fears exist among Philippine planners. How do you feel if your fishermen will be
    shoved by the Chinese to stay away from the contested sea.

  2. Looks good in principle. That is if the people, the government and its executives are stupid, naïve and incompetent?

    But why do you think china invested so much in their “new bases”.

    China, as always, tries to smoke screen their real intentions, which is creeping occupation and domination of the region, then the world; and you are article seems to aid in this disinformation.

    A simple way,at least to slow this Chinese intent is to isolate, not aid their economy; do not even think of any fair or mutual benefit, it is too late now to hope for that, the fire has started. More positive actions are needed, rather than appease a hungry monster which may not work, and that might lead to terrible outcome if allowed to gather grow and gather strength.?

  3. Silverio Cabellon Jr on

    As a citizen I would look at the economic interest of the Republicof the Philippines vis a vis the People’s Republic of China. The top export destinations of the Philippines are China ($19B), Japan ($11.1B), the United States ($9.4B), Singapore ($5.54B) and Hong Kong ($5.01B). The top import origins are China ($13.8B), South Korea ($7.51B), Japan ($7.02B), the United States ($6.65B) and Singapore ($4.84B). Reference:

    For now the People’s Republic of China must decide whether to adhere to the Arbitral Award per UNCLOS or adhere to its claim of historic rights to be sovereign with in the “nine dash line”. This is now a dispute not between the Philippines and China alone but between UNCLOS signatories and China. The negotiations should be between the UNCLOS signatories and China.

    In the meantime the Philippines and China must continue to work on their economic ties to provide markets for Filipinos and Chinese.