President B. S. Aquino 3rd’s final State of the Nation Address this afternoon should contain a summing up of his first five years, and a preview of his last year in office. With his penchant for praising himself, and blaming others for his failings and mistakes, he is not likely to abandon old habits when he appears before the joint session of the two houses of Congress.
He could decide to be a little more charming than usual, but he cannot be niggardly in his self-praise. After all, he is “an Aquino,” while his audience is merely “Juan de la Cruz,” (not even a “Romualdez”), to borrow the words of DILG Secretary Mar Roxas at the height of the Yolanda/Haiyan humanitarian crisis.
PNoy will try once again to bamboozle us with tall tales of what he has done for the poor and the marginalized; we must no longer allow any of those lies.
We must not allow him to tell the jobless and the endangered overseas Filipino workers that he has created job opportunities for them.
Nor the marginally employed at the ever-growing malls, but are routinely turned out of their jobs after every five months, that he has strengthened their rights against their exploitative employers.
Nor the hungry, that he has filled the nation’s granaries, and their individual tables with food.
Nor the homeless and the naked, that he has housed and clad them all.
Nor the victims of calamities, terrorism and armed conflict, and the widows and orphans of massacres and murders, that he has brought them the healing powers of legal justice.
Nor the long lines of commuters on both sides of EDSA and the main streets of Metro Manila, waiting for the broken-down MRT and the erratic bus network to take them to and from work, that this is the price of progress.
Nor the young who dream of the future, and those who merely hope to see a clean and honest election next year, that they must put their faith in the foreign firm Smartmatic, which has already given us two bogus elections.
In one word, we should not allow ourselves to be fooled once again to our face.
Our knowledge of the truth is our antidote and defense. While our people suffered during the last five years, Aquino grew in humbug and hubris. This must end.
After putting up with so much claptrap about his bogus “daang matuwid” (straight path), his demagogic “kayo ang aking boss” (you, the people, are my bosses), his regularly commissioned bogus surveys, we need to tell him we are done listening to his lies.
Aquino must be made to see that we know much more than he thinks we do about what he has done to this country since he came into power. We must show him we have a thorough knowledge, inside-out, of his corrupt and mentally unstable “leadership.”
Question One. How did Aquino become our president? Did the Filipino electorate really vote for him? Or was he manufactured for us by global political and corporate operators? Who benefitted the most, and suffered the most, from his presidency these last five years?
We have every reason to believe the Aquino presidency was the sheer product of a political operation, and that the oligarchy and foreign interest groups benefited the most, while the Filipino masses suffered the most from it in the last five years. It is time for Aquino to know that we know he was not legitimately elected in 2010. We have to make this plain.
In 2007, Aquino came out sixth in the senatorial elections. In 2010, he had accomplished nothing to deserve higher office. His Liberal Party colleagues thought it was a sick joke when somebody suggested that the presidential aspirant Mar Roxas asked him to be his running mate. But when his mother Cory died, the political operators hovering over the death scene saw an occasion to exploit public sentiment, and turn the senatorial nonentity into an instant presidential timber.
So money and media were used to mobilize mourners in the thousands, from the ranks of those who never showed much sympathy for Cory before, including those related to the farmers who had been killed in the famous Mendiola massacre or inside Hacienda Luisita in the hands of her supporters. Instantly, the propaganda polling firms, run by people close to the Aquinos, junked their old horse “Manny Villar” and adopted Aquino as their new champion. Mar Roxas, after marrying a potential First Lady, gave way and became Noynoy’s running mate instead.
Noynoy said he expected to win by a margin of five million votes, but because Gloria Macapagal Arroyo would cheat him, he would mount a “people power” uprising in order to take over. This evidently so panicked GMA and her financial backers that they decided to negotiate a “modus vivendi” with the Aquino camp. One close financial supporter, with money flowing out of his ears, instantly pole-vaulted into Aquino’s camp, reportedly with an initial offering of P1 billion.
The “modus vivendi” was then sealed. Noynoy was assured he would have his five-million vote-plurality without having to create trouble, provided he would not go after GMA for any alleged anomaly later. Comelec Chairman JoseMelo, working with the Venezuelan marketing firm Smartmatic, swiftly removed all the safety and security features and accuracy mechanisms of the precinct count optical scan (PCOS) voting machine, thereby facilitating the “hocus PCOS” in lieu of a legitimate election. PNoy then led Erap Estrada by over five million votes.
In the vice presidential race, Mar Roxas lost to Jejomar C. Binay. This is another story altogether. It appears that Noynoy’s camp had heard that some members of the so-called Hyatt 10 had decided to use an unpublished psychological report on Noynoy after the election, to remove him from office so that Roxas could take over. This prompted some members of the Aquino clan to drop Mar for Binay. This story, if true, could help explain PNoy’s apparent reluctance until now to anoint Roxas as his candidate in 2016.
Neither PNoy nor GMA will ever confirm this story. But all you have to do is look at the results of the 2010 senatorial elections. Although PNoy won by a “landslide”, it was GMA’s candidates, not his, that dominated the senatorial contest. PNoy’s best senatorial bet, Franklin Drilon, landed No. 4 only, while at least two candidates who had lost in the 2007 senatorial elections for being identified with GMA won in 2010 for the very same reason.
For nearly a year the “modus vivendi” seemed to work. No trouble for GMA from the administration. But when some people started asking “where is this guy’s program of government?” his Akbayan advisers quickly replied, “Here is the program, impeach the Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez, prosecute GMA for corruption, impeach and remove Chief Justice Renato Corona.”
It took the 2013 senatorial elections, which the completely unheralded Grace Poe Llamanzares “topped” in the infamous 60-30-10 across-the-board scheme for PNoy’s candidates, before AES Watch and the National Transformation Council, among others, concluded that both the 2010 and 2013 elections were fraudulent, and that PNoy was but a “de facto” president, as were the 12 senators “elected” in 2013.
Now, PNoy would like to insist that Smartmatic run the next election, possibly with a bogus presidential candidate, in the person of someone who is not even a natural-born Filipino, nor a legitimate resident of the country for the last ten years immediately preceding the election. We must now tell PNoy we can no longer allow him to continue destroying our Constitution and all our institutions.
Q 2: What did Aquino do to the rule of law? Do we still have a rule of law?
These are Aquino’s most obvious and unpunished crimes:
1) He has bribed the members of Congress to impeach and remove Corona, and enact the widely opposed Reproductive Health Law, and thereafter assumed virtual control of the three branches of government in violation of the principle of checks and balances and the separation of powers.
2) He has usurped the power of the purse by realigning billions of pesos in the General Appropriations Act on his own, in order to create his so-called Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) to fund his bribery of Congress and other unauthorized activities, and has refused to prosecute those involved in the misuse of the DAP, as directed by the Supreme Court, which has declared it unconstitutional and void.
3) He has refused to accept responsibility for the death of 44 Special Action Force police commandos who were massacred in Mamasapano, Maguindanao on Jan. 25, 2015, after they were denied reinforcement by PNoy.
No villainous president before ever committed any of these crimes. He has become impeachable for all these and more, but he could not be impeached because he has bought those who have the exclusive power to impeach and remove him. This is corruption of the first order, but he has the temerity to talk of an “incorrupt regime” and to accuse others of committing his own crimes.
Q 3: How much of the people’s money has Aquino spent in five years, and what have we seen in terms of public infrastructure, energy development, agriculture and military modernization, social services, anti-poverty programs?
For the first time in our history, we are seeing the national budget in trillions. In the 20 years Marcos was in power, the total national budget went a little above P600 billion. With this, he built more public infrastructure than all those built under all previous administrations combined. Cory Aquino spent something like P1.3 trillion in six and a half years, and left behind a few flyovers. What about PNoy?
In the last five years, this government has built a few things. But it has failed to build anything nearly comparable to the Philippine Arena, a private facility owned by the Iglesia ni Cristo in Bulacan, which it probably needs to promote the country as an international convention center. Basic public goods—like roads and bridges—have become “private enterprise projects,” which the citizen must pay for every time he uses them. There is no mass transportation worthy of its name.
Power and water have become highly priced commodities in the hands of Aquino’s friends. Even the national grid for electricity had fallen into the hands of the Chinese, against whom Aquino is waging a word war over the two countries’ dispute at Kalayaan.
While every other government supports its farmers, Aquino is pursuing their destruction by supporting huge food imports. And while we face an Islamic insurgency and political tension in Asia, corruption continues to hobble our military modernization. Some 28 defense contracts, valued at P60 billion, remain unsigned, reportedly because Aquino suspects the contracts to be infected, but does not have the courage to scrap them either.
Aquino’s performance will have to be measured not only according to our own standards, but also pursuant to the UN Millennium Development Goals. He has failed to meet all targets, save none. Aquino’s conditional cash transfer program is now P80 billion plus, and the P6-billion Department of Social Welfare and Development under Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has P102-billion now. But Aquino has made no dent on the conditions of the poor. Despite claims of high economic growth, the country has the highest poverty rating in the region.
We have to conclude for now by saying that Aquino’s “presidency” has been one unmitigated colossal failure. He has been a service to no one, except to his late mother whom we had earlier thought (unfairly) was the worst president we ever had. Her son has saved her. But unless we could prevent Aquino from messing up the next election, the next administration could still be worse than this one.